THE FRUITS OF INDUSTRIAL TRAINING





The political, educational, social, and economic evolution through

which the South passed during, say, the first fifteen or twenty

years after the close of the civil war furnishes one of the most

interesting periods that any country has passed through.



A large share of the thought and activity of the white South, of

the black South, and of that section of the North especially

interested in my race, was directed during the years of the

Reconstruction period toward politics, or toward matters bearing

upon what were termed civil or social rights. The work of

education was rather slow, and covered a large section of the

South; still I think I am justified in saying that in the public

mind the Negro's relation to politics overshadowed nearly every

other interest. The education of the race was conducted quietly,

and attracted comparatively little attention, just as is true at

the present time. The appointment of one Negro postmaster at a

third or fourth rate post office will be given wider publicity

through the daily press than the founding of a school, or some

important discovery in science.



With reference to the black man's political relation to the state

and Federal governments, I think I am safe in saying that for many

years after the civil war there were sharp and antagonistic views

between the North and the South, as well as between the white

South and the black South. At practically every point where there

was a political question to be decided in the South the blacks

would array themselves on one side and the whites on the other. I

remember that very soon after I began teaching school in Alabama

an old colored man came to me just prior to an election. He said:

"You can read de newspapers and most of us can't, but dar is one

thing dat we knows dat you don't, and dat is how to vote down

here; and we wants you to vote as we does." He added: "I tell you

how we does. We watches de white man; we keeps watching de white

man; de nearer it gits to election time de more we watches de

white man. We watches him till we finds out which way he gwine to

vote. After we finds out which way he gwine to vote, den we votes

exactly de other way; den we knows we 's right."



Stories on the other side might be given showing that a certain

class of white people, both at the polls and in the Legislatures,

voted just as unreasonably in opposing politically what they

thought the Negro or the North wanted, no matter how much benefit

might ensue from a contrary action. Unfortunately such antagonism

did not end with matters political, but in many cases affected the

relation of the races in nearly every walk of life. Aside from

political strife, there was naturally deep feeling between the

North and the South on account of the war. On nearly every

question growing out of the war, which was debated in Congress, or

in political campaigns, there was the keenest difference and often

the deepest feeling. There was almost no question of even a semi-

political nature, or having a remote connection with the Negro,

upon which there was not sharp and often bitter division between

the North and South. It is needless to say that in many cases the

Negro was the sufferer. He was being ground between the upper and

nether millstones. Even to this day it is well-nigh impossible,

largely by reason of the force of habit, in certain states to

prevent state and even local campaigns from being centred in some

form upon the black man. In states like Mississippi, for example,

where the Negro ceased nearly a score of years ago, by operation

of law, to be a determining factor in politics, he forms in some

way the principal fuel for campaign discussion at nearly every

election. The sad feature of this is, that it prevents the

presentation before the masses of the people of matters pertaining

to local and state improvement, and to great national issues like

finance, tariff, or foreign policies. It prevents the masses from

receiving the broad and helpful education which every political

campaign should furnish, and, what is equally unfortunate, it

prevents the youth from seeing and hearing on the platform the

great political leaders of the two national parties. During a

national campaign few of the great Democratic leaders debate

national questions in the South, because it is felt that the old

antagonism to the Negro politically will keep the South voting one

way. Few of the great Republican leaders appear on Southern

platforms, because they feel that nothing will be gained.



One of the saddest instances of this situation that has come

within my knowledge occurred some years ago in a certain Southern

state where a white friend of mine was making the race for

Congress on the Democratic ticket in a district that was

overwhelmingly Democratic. I speak of this man as my friend,

because there was no personal favor in reason which he would have

refused me. He was equally friendly to the race, and was generous

in giving for its education, and in helping individuals to buy

land. His campaign took him into one of the "white" counties,

where there were few colored people, and where the whites were

unusually ignorant. I was surprised one morning to read in the

daily papers of a bitter attack he had made on the Negro while

speaking in this county. The next time I saw him I informed him

of my surprise. He replied that he was ashamed of what he had

said, and that he did not himself believe much that he had stated,

but gave as a reason for his action that he had found himself

before an audience which had heard little for thirty years in the

way of political discussion that did not bear upon the Negro, and

that he therefore knew it was almost impossible to interest them

in any other subject.



But this is somewhat aside from my purpose, which is, I repeat, to

make plain that in all political matters there was for years after

the war no meeting ground of agreement for the two races, or for

the North and South. Upon the question of the Negro's civil

rights, as embodied in what was called the Civil Rights Bill,

there was almost the same sharp line of division between the

races, and, in theory at least, between the Northern and Southern

whites,--largely because the former were supposed to be giving the

blacks social recognition, and encouraging intermingling between

the races. The white teachers, who came from the North to work in

missionary schools, received for years little recognition or

encouragement from the rank and file of their own race. The lines

were so sharply drawn that in cities where native Southern white

women taught Negro children in the public schools, they would have

no dealings with Northern white women who, perhaps, taught Negro

children from the same family in a missionary school.



I want to call attention here to a phase of Reconstruction policy

which is often overlooked. All now agree that there was much in

Reconstruction which was unwise and unfortunate. However we may

regard that policy, and much as we may regret mistakes, the fact

is too often overlooked that it was during the Reconstruction

period that a public school system for the education of all the

people of the South was first established in most of the states.

Much that was done by those in charge of Reconstruction

legislation has been overturned, but the public school system

still remains. True, it has been modified and improved, but the

system remains, and is every day growing in popularity and

strength.



As to the difference of opinion between the North and the South

regarding Negro education, I find that many people, especially in

the North, have a wrong conception of the attitude of the Southern

white people. It is and has been very generally thought that what

is termed "higher education" of the Negro has been from the first

opposed by the white South. This opinion is far from being

correct. I remember that, in 1891, when I began the work of

establishing the Tuskegee Institute in Alabama, practically all of

the white people who talked to me on the subject took it for

granted that instruction in the Greek, Latin, and modern languages

would be one of the main features of our curriculum. I heard no

one oppose what he thought our course of study was to embrace. In

fact, there are many white people in the South at the present time

who do not know that instruction in the dead languages is not

given at the Tuskegee Institute. In further proof of what I have

stated, if one will go through the catalogue of the schools

maintained by the states for Negro people, and managed by Southern

white people, he will find in almost every case that instruction

in the higher branches is given with the consent and approval of

white officials. This was true as far back as 1880. It is not

unusual to meet at this time Southern white people who are as

emphatic in their belief in the value of classical education as a

certain element of colored people themselves. In matters relating

to civil and political rights, the breach was broad, and without

apparent hope of being bridged; even in the matter of religion,

practically all of the denominations had split on the subject of

the Negro, though I should add that there is now, and always has

been, a closer touch and more cooperation in matters of religion

between the white and colored people in the South than is

generally known. But the breach between the white churches in the

South and North remains.



In matters of education the difference was much less sharp. The

truth is that a large element in the South had little faith in the

efficacy of the higher or any other kind of education of the

Negro. They were indifferent, but did not openly oppose; on the

other hand, there has always been a potent element of white people

in all of the Southern states who have stood out openly and

bravely for the education of all the people, regardless of race.

This element has thus far been successful in shaping and leading

public opinion, and I think that it will continue to do so more

and more. This statement must not be taken to mean that there is

as yet an equitable division of the school funds, raised by common

taxation, between the two races in many sections of the South,

though the Southern states deserve much credit for what has been

done. In discussing the small amount of direct taxes the Negro

pays, the fact that he pays tremendous indirect taxes is often

overlooked.



I wish, however, to emphasize the fact that while there was either

open antagonism or indifference in the directions I have named, it

was the introduction of industrial training into the Negro's

education that seemed to furnish the first basis for anything like

united and sympathetic interest and action between the two races

in the South and between the whites in the North and those in the

South. Aside from its direct benefit to the black race,

industrial education has furnished a basis for mutual faith and

cooperation, which has meant more to the South, and to the work of

education, than has been realized.



This was, at the least, something in the way of construction.

Many people, I think, fail to appreciate the difference between

the problems now before us and those that existed previous to the

civil war. Slavery presented a problem of destruction; freedom

presents a problem of construction.



From its first inception the white people of the South had faith

in the theory of industrial education, because they had noted,

what was not unnatural, that a large element of the colored people

at first interpreted freedom to mean freedom from work with the

hands. They naturally had not learned to appreciate the fact that

they had been WORKED, and that one of the great lessons for

freemen to learn is to WORK. They had not learned the vast

difference between WORKING and BEING WORKED. The white people saw

in the movement to teach the Negro youth the dignity, beauty, and

civilizing power of all honorable labor with the hands something

that would lead the Negro into his new life of freedom gradually

and sensibly, and prevent his going from one extreme of life to

the other too suddenly. Furthermore, industrial education

appealed directly to the individual and community interest of the

white people. They saw at once that intelligence coupled with

skill would add wealth to the community and to the state, in which

both races would have an added share. Crude labor in the days of

slavery, they believed, could be handled and made in a degree

profitable, but ignorant and unskilled labor in a state of freedom

could not be made so. Practically every white man in the South

was interested in agricultural or in mechanical or in some form of

manual labor; every white man was interested in all that related

to the home life,--the cooking and serving of food, laundering,

dairying, poultry-raising, and housekeeping in general. There was

no family whose interest in intelligent and skillful nursing was

not now and then quickened by the presence of a trained nurse. As

already stated, there was general appreciation of the fact that

the industrial education of the black people had direct, vital,

and practical bearing upon the life of each white family in the

South; while there was no such appreciation of the results of mere

literary training. If a black man became a lawyer, a doctor, a

minister, or an ordinary teacher, his professional duties would

not ordinarily bring him in touch with the life of the white

portion of the community, but rather confine him almost

exclusively to his own race. While purely literary or

professional education was not opposed by the white population, it

was something in which they found little or no interest, beyond a

confused hope that it would result in producing a higher and a

better type of Negro manhood. The minute it was seen that through

industrial education the Negro youth was not only studying

chemistry, but also how to apply the knowledge of chemistry to the

enrichment of the soil, or to cooking, or to dairying, and that

the student was being taught not only geometry and physics, but

their application to blacksmithing, brickmaking, farming, and what

not, then there began to appear for the first time a common bond

between the two races and cooperation between North and South.



One of the most interesting and valuable instances of the kind

that I know of is presented in the case of Mr. George W. Carver,

one of our instructors in agriculture at Tuskegee Institute. For

some time it has been his custom to prepare articles containing

information concerning the conditions of local crops, and warning

the farmers against the ravages of certain insects and diseases.

The local white papers are always glad to publish these articles,

and they are read by white and colored farmers.



Some months ago a white land-holder in Montgomery County asked Mr.

Carver to go through his farm with him for the purpose of

inspecting it. While doing so Mr. Carver discovered traces of

what he thought was a valuable mineral deposit, used in making a

certain kind of paint. The interests of the land-owner and the

agricultural instructor at once became mutual. Specimens of the

deposits were taken to the laboratories of the Tuskegee Institute

and analyzed by Mr. Carver. In due time the land-owner received a

report of the analysis, together with a statement showing the

commercial value and application of the mineral. I shall not go

through the whole interesting story, except to say that a stock

company, composed of some of the best white people in Alabama, has

been organized, and is now preparing to build a factory for the

purpose of putting their product on the market. I hardly need to

add that Mr. Carver has been freely consulted at every step, and

his services generously recognized in the organization of the

concern. When the company was being formed the following

testimonial, among others, was embodied in the printed copy of the

circular:--



"George W. Carver, Director of the Department of Agriculture,

Tuskegee, Alabama, says:--



"'The pigment is an ochreous clay. Its value as a paint is due to

the presence of ferric oxide, of which it contains more than any

of the French, Australian, American, Irish, or Welsh ochres.

Ferric oxides have long been recognized as the essential

constituents of such paints as Venetian red, Turkish red, oxide

red, Indian red, and scarlet. They are most desirable, being

quite permanent when exposed to light and air. As a stain they

are most valuable.'"



In further proof of what I wish to emphasize, I think I am safe in

saying that the work of the Hampton Normal and Agricultural

Institute, under the late General S. C. Armstrong, was the first

to receive any kind of recognition and hearty sympathy from the

Southern white people, and General Armstrong was perhaps the first

Northern educator of Negroes who won the confidence and

cooperation of the white South. The effects of General

Armstrong's introduction of industrial education at Hampton, and

its extension to the Tuskegee Institute in the far South, are now

actively and helpfully apparent in the splendid work being

accomplished for the whole South by the Southern Education Board,

with Mr. Robert C. Ogden at its head, and by the General Education

Board, with Mr. William H. Baldwin, Jr., as its president.

Without the introduction of manual training it is doubtful whether

such work as is now being wrought through these two boards for

both races in the South could have been possible within a quarter

of a century to come. Later on in the history of our country it

will be recognized and appreciated that the far-reaching and

statesman-like efforts of these two boards for general education

in the South, under the guidance of the two gentlemen named, and

with the cooperation and assistance of such men as Mr. George

Foster Peabody, Dr. Wallace Buttrick, Mr. John D. Rockefeller, of

the North, and Mr. Edgar Gardner Murphy, Chancellor Hill, Dr.

Alderman, Dr. McIver, Dr. Dabney, and others of the South, will

have furnished the material for one of the brightest and most

encouraging chapters in the history of our country. The fact that

we have reached the point where men and women who were so far

apart twenty years ago can meet in the South and discuss freely

from the same platform questions relating to the industrial,

educational, political, moral, and religious development of the

two races marks a great step in advance. It is true that as yet

the Negro has not been invited to share in these discussions.



Aside from the reasons I have given showing why the South favored

industrial education, coupled with intellectual and moral

training, many of the whites saw, for example, that the Negroes

who were master carpenters and contractors, under the guidance of

their owners, could become still greater factors in the

development of the South if their children were not suddenly

removed from the atmosphere and occupations of their fathers, and

if they could be taught to use the thing in hand as a foundation

for higher growth. Many of the white people were wise enough to

see that such education would enable some of the Negro youths to

become more skillful carpenters and contractors, and that if they

laid an economic foundation in this way in their generation, they

would be laying a foundation for a more abstract education of

their children in the future.



Again, a large element of people at the South favored manual

training for the Negro because they were wise enough to see that

the South was largely free from the restrictive influences of the

Northern trades unions, and that such organizations would secure

little hold in the South so long as the Negro kept abreast in

intelligence and skill with the same class of people elsewhere.

Many realized that the South would be tying itself to a body of

death if it did not help the Negro up. In this connection I want

to call attention to the fact that the official records show that

within one year about one million foreigners came into the United

States. Notwithstanding this number, practically none went into

the Southern states; to be more exact, the records show that in

1892 only 2278 all told went into the states of Alabama, Arkansas,

Georgia, Kentucky, Mississippi, North Carolina, South Carolina,

Tennessee, and Virginia. One ship sometimes brings as many to New

York. Various reasons are given to explain why these foreigners

systematically avoid the South. One is that the climate is so

hot; and another is that they do not like the restrictions thrown

about the ballot; and still another is the presence of the Negro

is so large numbers. Whatever the true reason is, the fact

remains that foreigners avoid the South, and the South is more and

more realizing that it cannot keep pace with the progress being

made in other parts of the country if a third of its population is

ignorant and without skill.



The South must frankly face this truth, that for a long period it

must depend upon the black man to do for it what the foreigner is

now doing for the great West. If, by reason of his skill and

knowledge, one man in Iowa learns to produce as much corn in a

season as four men can produce in Alabama, it requires little

reasoning to see that Alabama will buy most of her corn from Iowa.



Another interesting result of the introduction of industrial

education for the Negro has been its influence upon the white

people of the South, and, I believe, upon the whites of the North

as well. This phase of it has proved of interest in making hand

training a conciliatory element between the races.



In 1883 I was delivering an address on industrial education before

the colored State Teachers' Association of one of our Southern

states. When I had finished, some of the teachers began to ask

the State Superintendent of Education, who was on the programme,

some questions about the subject. He politely but firmly stopped

the questions by stating that he knew absolutely nothing about

industrial training, and had never heard it discussed before. At

that time there was no such education being given at any white

institution in that state. With one or two exceptions this case

will illustrate what was true of all the Southern states. A

careful investigation of the subject will show that it was not

until after industrial education was started among the colored

people, and its value proved, that it was taken up by the Southern

white people.



Manual training or industrial and technical schools for the whites

have, for the most part, been established under state auspices,

and are at this time chiefly maintained by the states. An

investigation would also show that in securing money from the

state legislatures for the purpose of introducing hand work, one

of the main arguments used was the existence and success of

industrial training among the Negroes. It was often argued that

the white boys and girls would be left behind unless they had the

opportunities for securing the same kind of training that was

being given the colored people. Although it is, I think, not

generally known, it is a fact that since the idea of industrial or

technical education for white people took root within the last few

years, much more money is spent annually for such education for

the whites than for the colored people. Any one who has not

looked into the subject will be surprised to find how thorough and

high grade the work is. Take, for example, the state of Georgia,

and it will be found that several times as much is being spent at

the Industrial College for white girls at Milledgeville, and at

the technical school for whites at Atlanta, as is being spent in

the whole state for the industrial education of Negro youths. I

have met no Southern white educators who have not been generous in

their praise of the Negro schools for taking the initiative in

hand training. This fact has again served to create in matters

relating to education a bond of sympathy between the two races in

the South. Referring again to the influence of industrial

training for the Negro in education, in the Northern states I

find, while writing this article, the following announcement in

the advertisement of what is perhaps the most high-priced and

exclusive girls' seminary in Massachusetts:--



"In planning a system of education for young ladies, with the view

of fitting them for the greatest usefulness in life, the idea was

conceived of supplementing the purely intellectual work by a

practical training in the art of home management and its related

subjects.



"It was the first school of high literary grade to introduce

courses in Domestic Science into the regular curriculum.



"The results were so gratifying as to lead to the equipment of

Experiment Hall, a special building, fitted for the purpose of

studying the principles of Applied Housekeeping. Here the girls

do the actual work of cooking, marketing, arranging menus, and

attend to all the affairs of a well-arranged household.



"Courses are arranged also in sewing, dressmaking, and millinery;

they are conducted on a similarly practical basis, and equip the

student with a thorough knowledge of the subject."



A dozen years ago I do not believe that any such announcement

would have been made.



Beginning with the year 1877, the Negro in the South lost

practically all political control; that is to say, as early as

1885 the Negro scarcely had any members of his race in the

national Congress or state legislatures, and long before this date

had ceased to hold state offices. This was true, notwithstanding

the protests and fervent oratory of such strong race leaders as

Frederick Douglass, B. K. Bruce, John R. Lynch, P. B. S.

Pinchback, and John M. Langston, with a host of others. When

Frederick Douglass, the greatest man that the race has produced,

died in 1895, it is safe to say that the Negro in the Southern

states, with here and there a few exceptions, had practically no

political control or political influence, except in sending

delegates to national conventions, or in holding a few Federal

positions by appointment. It became evident to many of the wise

Negroes that the race would have to depend for its success in the

future less upon political agitations and the opportunity of

holding office, and more upon something more tangible and

substantial. It was at this period in the Negro's development,

when the distance between the races was greatest, and the spirit

and ambition of the colored people most depressed, that the idea

of industrial or business development was introduced and began to

be made prominent. It did not take the more level-headed members

of the race long to see that while the Negro in the South was

surrounded by many difficulties, there was practically no line

drawn and little race discrimination in the world of commerce,

banking, storekeeping, manufacturing, and the skilled trades, and

in agriculture, and that in this lay his great opportunity. They

understood that, while the whites might object to a Negro's being

a postmaster, they would not object to his being the president of

a bank, and in the latter occupation they would give him

assistance and encouragement. The colored people were quick to

see that while the negro would not be invited as a rule to attend

the white man's prayer-meeting, he would be invited every time to

attend the stockholders' meeting of a business concern in which he

had an interest and that he could buy property in practically any

portion of the South where the white man could buy it. The white

citizens were all the more willing to encourage the Negro in this

economic or industrial development, because they saw that the

prosperity of the Negro meant also the prosperity of the white

man. They saw, too, that when a Negro became the owner of a home

and was a taxpayer, having a regular trade or other occupation, he

at once became a conservative and safe citizen and voter; one who

would consider the interests of his whole community before casting

his ballot; and, further, one whose ballot could not be purchased.



One case in point is that of the twenty-eight teachers at our

school in Tuskegee who applied for life-voting certificates under

the new constitution of Alabama, not one was refused registration;

and if I may be forgiven a personal reference, in my own case, the

Board of Registers were kind enough to send me a special request

to the effect that they wished me not to fail to register as a

life voter. I do not wish to convey the impression that all

worthy colored people have been registered in Alabama, because

there have been many inexcusable and unlawful omissions; but, with

few exceptions, the 2700 who have been registered represent the

best Negroes in the state.



Though in some parts of the country he is now misunderstood, I

believe that the time is going to come when matters can be weighed

soberly, and when the whole people are going to see that president

Roosevelt is, and has been from the first, in line with this

policy,--that of encouraging the colored people who by industry

and economy have won their way into the confidence and respect of

their neighbors. Both before and since he became President I have

had many conversations with him, and at all times I have found him

enthusiastic over the plan that I have described.



The growth of the race in industrial and business directions

within the last few years cannot perhaps be better illustrated

than by the fact that what is now the largest secular national

organization among the colored people is the National Negro

Business League. This organization brings together annually

hundreds of men and women who have worked their way up from the

bottom to the point where they are now in some cases bankers,

merchants, manufacturers, planters, etc. The sight of this body

of men and women would surprise a large part of American citizens

who do not really know the better side of the Negro's life.



It ought to be stated frankly here that at first, and for several

years after the introduction of industrial training at such

educational centres as Hampton and Tuskegee, there was opposition

from colored people, and from portions of those Northern white

people engaged in educational and missionary work among the

colored people in the South. Most of those who manifested such

opposition were actuated by the highest and most honest motives.

From the first the rank and file of the blacks were quick to see

the advantages of industrial training, as is shown by the fact

that industrial schools have always been overcrowded. Opposition

to industrial training was based largely on the old and narrow

ground that it was something that the Southern white people

favored, and therefore must be against the interests of the Negro.

Again, others opposed it because they feared that it meant the

abandonment of all political privileges, and the higher or

classical education of the race. They feared that the final

outcome would be the materialization of the Negro, and the

smothering of his spiritual and aesthetic nature. Others felt

that industrial education had for its object the limitation of the

Negro's development, and the branding him for all time as a

special hand-working class.



Now that enough time has elapsed for those who opposed it to see

that it meant none of these things, opposition, except from a very

few of the colored people living in Boston and Washington, has

ceased, and this system has the enthusiastic support of the

Negroes and of most of the whites who formerly opposed it. All

are beginning to see that it was never meant that ALL Negro youths

should secure industrial education, any more than it is meant that

ALL white youths should pass through the Massachusetts Institute

of Technology, or the Amherst Agricultural College, to the

exclusion of such training as is given at Harvard, Yale, or

Dartmouth; but that in a peculiar sense a large proportion of the

Negro youths needed to have that education which would enable them

to secure an economic foundation, without which no people can

succeed in any of the higher walks of life.



It is because of the fact that the Tuskegee Institute began at the

bottom, with work in the soil, in wood, in iron, in leather, that

it has now developed to the point where it is able to furnish

employment as teachers to twenty-eight Negro graduates of the best

colleges in the country. This is about three times as many Negro

college graduates as any other institution in the United States

for the education of colored people employs, the total number of

officers and instructors at Tuskegee being about one hundred and

ten.



Those who once opposed this see now that while the Negro youth who

becomes skilled in agriculture and a successful farmer may not be

able himself to pass through a purely literary college, he is

laying the foundation for his children and grandchildren to do it

if desirable. Industrial education in this generation is

contributing in the highest degree to make what is called higher

education a success. It is now realized that in so far as the

race has intelligent and skillful producers, the greater will be

the success of the minister, lawyer, doctor, and teacher.

Opposition has melted away, too, because all men now see that it

will take a long time to "materialize" a race, millions of which

hold neither houses nor railroads, nor bank stocks, nor factories,

nor coal and gold mines.



Another reason for the growth of a better understanding of the

objects and influence of industrial training is the fact, as

before stated, that it has been taken up with such interest and

activity by the Southern whites, and that it has been established

at such universities as Cornell in the East, and in practically

all of the state colleges of the great West.



It is now seen that the result of such education will be to help

the black man to make for himself an independent place in our

great American life. It was largely the poverty of the Negro that

made him the prey of designing politicians immediately after the

war; and wherever poverty and lack of industry exist to-day, one

does not find in him that deep spiritual life which the race must

in the future possess in a higher degree.



To those who still express the fear that perhaps too much stress

is put upon industrial education for the Negro I would add that I

should emphasize the same kind of training for any people, whether

black or white, in the same stage of development as the masses of

the colored people.



For a number of years this country has looked to Germany for much

in the way of education, and a large number of our brightest men

and women are sent there each year. The official reports show

that in Saxony, Germany, alone, there are 287 industrial schools,

or one such school to every 14,641 people. This is true of a

people who have back of them centuries of wealth and culture. In

the South I am safe in saying that there is not more than one

effective industrial school for every 400,000 colored people.



A recent dispatch from Germany says that the German Emperor has

had a kitchen fitted up in the palace for the single purpose of

having his daughter taught cooking. If all classes and

nationalities, who are in most cases thousands of years ahead of

the Negro in the arts of civilization, continue their interest in

industrial training, I cannot understand how any reasonable person

can object to such education for a large part of a people who are

in the poverty-stricken condition that is true of a large element

of my race, especially when such hand training is combined, as it

should be, with the best education of head and heart.





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